Cigars with a Scent of Mother Russia & Soviet

Secret funding from Moscow, educational trips to the Soviet Union, a mysterious "baron", the KGB, the FSB, murder and Russian hacker attacks against Argentinian authorities are what emerges when Cigarrvärlden begins to pull in loose ends from a previous investigation of a cigar shop in Stockholm. What happens when we dig all the way back to the 70:s?

Given Habanos Nordic AB's years-long proximity to the shop in question, alongside Charlie Minato’s editorial proposing that Arab shareholders might replace Chen Zhi, the story remains incomplete without the dimension of Russian and Soviet espionage. For that, we have to look in the rearview mirror.

This story was first published in Swedish on Cigarrvärlden on December 10, 2024. It is the final installment of a broader investigation that will not be translated in full, as its hyper-local focus holds little relevance for an international audience.

However, several key facts provide essential context for this piece:

• The shop in question, Framresor, miraculously secured a tobacco license despite holding overdue tax debts with the Swedish Enforcement Authority (Kronofogden) far exceeding the legal threshold.

• Framresor operates an illicit indoor lounge. In direct violation of their lease agreement and local smoke-free laws, both the owner and customers smoke freely throughout the premises.

• The business has sold alcohol for profit for years without a liquor license—an offense in Sweden that carries a potential sentence of up to six years in prison.

• The shop has repeatedly sold cigars that lack mandatory registration with the Public Health Agency of Sweden (Folkhälsomyndigheten).

• Numerous formal complaints submitted by both the public and government officials have been casually dismissed without action.

• When applying for its tobacco license, Framresor listed a prominent local politician as a reference—the very same politician who championed Sweden's updated tobacco legislation and outdoor smoking ban, all while enjoying illegal drinks and indoor smoking inside the shop.

Despite this extensive list of violations, local authorities have consistently turned a blind eye.

Cigarrvärlden has previously written about a cigar shop that we called "Butiken" which, in our opinion, has an illegal lounge where, among others, some politicians and other high-profile individuals  pop by for a cigar and a brandy. We now need to reveal that by "Butiken" we mean Framresor, also called Framcigarr, on Kungsgatan in Stockholm, which is run by Roger Hagel. As per our previous investigations, Framresor is frequented not only by politicians but also by high-ranking officials, police officers and people responsible for IT security. This may raise some concerns, as we will soon see.

Konstantin Loskutnikov – "baron von Bossner"

Roger Hagel poses in several photos alongside Konstantin Loskutnikov, who calls himself Baron von Bossner. Hagel has also sold Bossner’s cigars, despite them lacking mandatory registration with the Public Health Agency of Sweden, making their sale illegal.

Image 1. Konstantin Loskutnikov (left) & Roger Hagel (right) meeting in Berlin. The post highlights a visit from Swedish distributor Roger [referring to Bossner cigars; Editor's note]. Post and photo via Konstantin Loskutnikov's Facebook page.

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Loskutnikov is an enigmatic figure who was raised in the Soviet Union but has lived in Berlin since the 1990s—despite never troubling to learn German. His company, Golden Mile GmbH, trades in cigars and cognac, yet generates nowhere near enough profit to justify his extravagant lifestyle.

Image 2: Konstantin Loskutnikov (baron von Bossner, right) poses with Christian von Koeningsegg (left) - Post and photo via Konstantin Loskutnikov's Facebook page.

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He is also behind the Club der Russisch-Orthodoxen Mäzenate—the German branch of the Club of Russian Orthodox Philanthropists, a shadowy association with alleged ties to the Kremlin. Reportedly founded in 2003, the organization was led by a certain Andrei Poklonsky as of at least 2014. A few months into the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the group announced plans to invest heavily in producing Hollywood-style films about Russian heroes, though the venture ultimately appears to have fallen through.

Loskutnikov has a well-documented interest in cinema and was involved with the Marbella International Russian-language Film Festival. According to an insider, he pushed the festival into a pro-Putin line by threatening to pull backing from Moscow. He also appears in numerous photos from Berlin's Askania Awards, an annual ceremony honoring filmmakers.

"Recent events have exposed an incredible level of naivety among high profile individuals" 

In 2018, a bizarre web of intrigue was uncovered in Buenos Aires. Back in 2016, someone—accounts differ on who actually found it—discovered 389 kilograms of cocaine inside a room belonging to the Russian embassy. Argentine police revealed a plot to smuggle the drugs to Russia, and possibly Germany, hidden inside diplomatic luggage. Four people were subsequently convited in Russia for their involvement, with the heaviest sentence handed to Andrei Kovalchuk, who received 18 years in prison.

However, the case remains shrouded in suspicious circumstances, including links to Russian intelligence services, unsolved murders, and a Russian cyberattack targeting Argentine authorities. There is strong evidence that Moscow ensured key details were kept quiet. Most striking of all, Konstantin Loskutnikov—"Baron von Bossner"—was never prosecuted, despite several intercepted phone calls making it clear that he was Kovalchuk's boss. In an interview, Loskutnikov admitted to knowing Kovalchuk, claiming he was introduced to him by a colonel in the Russian security service.

Joakim von Braun, an intelligence and Russia analyst, lacks detailed insight into Loskutnikov specifically, but is unfazed that he walked away clean:

"The Russian judicial system is fundamentally broken. If you belong to the right circle, you can get away with almost anything—and if you don't, you can usually bribe your way out."

Loskutnikov also has his fingers in the political pie. Prior to the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine, he advocated for a German rapprochement with Moscow and hosted book presentations for Alexander Rahr, a German political scientist widely criticized for pushing a pro-Kremlin agenda. Loskutnikov also appears in a photo alongside Rahr and Sahra Wagenknecht, whose party, BSW, achieved major gains  in the recent German state elections.

Image 3: Konstantin Loskutnikov (baron von Bossner, left), Alexander Rahr (center), Sahra Wagenknecht (right). Post and photo via Konstantin Loskutnikov's Facebook page dated January 2018.

Joakim von Braun highlights potential security risks when individuals operate in environments even indirectly linked to someone like Loskutnikov. He emphasizes that the organizations Loskutnikov engages with are often created, at least in part, to facilitate intelligence gathering or propaganda operations.

"Recent events have exposed an incredible level of naivety among high profile individuals. It shows that we still need to keep our guard up" says von Braun.

This dynamic is far from new. In his 1984 book Industrial Espionage, Charlie Nordblom cited Swedish naivety as the single greatest asset for the KGB and GRU. Well-intentioned targets were routinely treated to lavish dinners and fine wines; before realizing it, they had divulged sensitive information or been maneuvered into doing favors. By the time they understood the trap, it was too late to step back.

When previously questioned by Cigarrvärlden about his connection to Loskutnikov, Roger Hagel claimed they met in the late 1990s because his wife lived on the same street as Loskutnikov in Berlin.

The Swedish Security Service (SÄPO) naturally maintains a general stance on such matters. In a statement to Cigarrvärlden, SÄPO Press Secretary Gabriel Wernstedt noted:

"We have long documented the broad scope of Russia's security-threatening activities in Sweden. This encompasses mapping total defense capabilities, influence operations, targeting dissidents, and attempting political interference, among other tactics. Their methodology is equally varied—ranging from agent recruitment and cyber espionage to influence campaigns. It also includes using proxies or intermediaries who, wittingly or unwittingly, assist Russia in its operations. Anyone who suspects they have been targeted for recruitment is urged to contact the Police or the Security Service."

Image 4: Konstantin Loskutnikov (baron von Bossner) from the 2019 Russia - Africa summit in Sochi hosted by Russia's Putin & Egypt's el-Sisi. Post and photo via Konstantin Loskutnikov's Facebook.

History repeats itself?

Workers' Party Communists

The long-simmering rift within the VPK finally erupted in 1975 when Rolf Hagel challenged Lars Werner for the party leadership and lost. By 1977, the factional split became official: Hagel and fellow MP Alf Lövenborg broke away from VPK, serving as political independents until the 1979 election. Joining them were key defectors like Dan Gahnström, Rune Pettersson, and Osvald Hiller, along with the party organ Norrskensflamman. However, the newly formed Workers' Party – Communists (APK) failed to gain traction with voters and never secured parliamentary seats.

What the party lacked in domestic support, it made up for in backing from Moscow, where Rolf Hagel was a favorite. A 1986 article in Göteborgstidningen highlighted the contrast in how VPK's "giant" Lars Werner and APK's "little" Rolf Hagel were received at the 27th Communist Party Congress in Moscow: while Werner received a cool reception, Hagel was greeted with warm embraces and chants of "Comrade!" Hagel had earned this goodwill by siding with the military regime against Polish workers in 1981 and defending the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. He also represented the party at the Moscow funerals of Soviet leaders Leonid Brezhnev in 1982 and Konstantin Chernenko in 1985. Sweden's Security Service (SÄPO) monitored the APK, but open-source records suggest they never viewed the group as a serious national security threat.

In his 1984 book Industrial Espionage, Charlie Nordblom detailed how the KGB and GRU cultivated "trusted persons"—ideologically driven proxies who provided information, logistical support, and cover without direct financial compensation. Nordblom asserted these operatives were recruited from Moscow-aligned parties like VPK and APK through front organizations like the Sweden–Soviet Union League and the Swedish Peace Committee. Many reportedly traveled to Moscow under false identities using forged passports for Leninist ideological training.

When Nordblom confronted Rolf Hagel during a live television debate, asking under what alias he had studied in Moscow, Hagel refused to answer. He later filed a criminal defamation complaint against Nordblom, but the Chancellor of Justice dismissed the charges, noting that Swedish law does not recognize defamation against political parties as a criminal offense.

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, archived documents from the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) revealed that APK had received extensive covert funding from Moscow throughout the 1980s. Former APK leader Alf Lövenborg initially dismissed the reports as a hoax. However, a year later, detailed records proved the financial support exceeded 10 million kronor. Hagel denied accepting cash, claiming the reports were anti-communist propaganda. He did, however, concede that the CPSU had financed up to 450 trips for APK functionaries to the Soviet Union and allowed the party to turn a profit by purchasing Soviet literature at below-market prices for resale in Sweden.

In 1993, Swedish daily Dagens Nyheter (DN) revealed the full scope of the operation: the CPSU had delivered over 13 million kronor in physical cash directly to APK—equivalent to roughly 33 million SEK today. Three times a year, a KGB courier flew from Moscow to Stockholm carrying a briefcase packed with Swedish banknotes and occasional US dollars. The cash was hand-delivered to Alf Lövenborg for the first three years, and subsequently to Rolf Hagel. Hagel maintained his innocence, alleging his signature on the receipts was forged, or alternatively that the payments were for commercial printing work—such as producing advertisements for Soviet automobiles. He also denied reports that Norrskensflamman received a free printing press from Moscow, claiming he had purchased it for one million kronor.

Swedish political observers widely rejected Hagel's denials. Roger Gross, editor of the Marxist-Leninist Proletären, voiced resignation over the scandal:

"I just don't understand why everyone is making such a fuss now about something that everyone has known about for a long time."

Disgusted by the revelations, veteran communist MP Hilding Hagberg resigned from the APK, stating the party was "on the brink of collapse."

Although expelled from the party by then, Alf Lövenborg continued to deny receiving cash, insisting Soviet support was limited to discounted printing jobs and subsidized subscriptions to Norrskensflamman for Soviet hotels and universities. Nevertheless, in an interview with DN, he acknowledged longstanding internal party rumors regarding Hagel's surprisingly lavish lifestyle relative to his modest official salary.

Months after the initial reporting, Hagel suddenly shifted his account, admitting APK had accepted Soviet funds in the late 1970s—claiming the money was a small sum used for solidarity work, including securing the release of three political prisoners in Paraguay.

The party's finances had drawn scrutiny long before the Moscow cash scandal. Observers questioned how APK managed to spend 15 million SEK (roughly 39 million SEK today) on a commercial property in Solna when the party moved its headquarters from Norrbotten in 1986. Hagel attributed the purchase to generous member donations, while far-left rumors alleged it was funded by an anonymous heiress who inherited "Wallenberg capital." Intelligence analyst Joakim von Braun offers a simpler explanation: the communist movement contained several wealthy capitalists who built fortunes through trade deals with the Soviet bloc, making such financial backing unexceptional.

Following the Soviet collapse, Hagel redirected his foreign outreach toward Beijing and Pyongyang. In 1993, he undertook a week-long state visit to North Korea, exchanging tributes with Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il.

In 1995, APK became the first political party in Swedish history to declare bankruptcy. It subsequently reorganized as the Communist Party of Sweden (SKP), with Rolf Hagel remaining as party leader until 2002.

The communist travel industry

During the Soviet era, several travel agencies specialized in trips to the Eastern Bloc in close collaboration with the Soviet state tourist agency, Intourist. Intourist maintained an office on Sergelgatan in Stockholm—a location kept under close surveillance by Sweden's Security Service (SÄPO) due to its frequent use as a base for Soviet intelligence operatives.

In the 1960s, the Stockholm-based agency Folkturist, run by Lennart Prottas, held a virtual monopoly on travel to Eastern Europe. Jan Leijonhielm, a veteran intelligence analyst, noted in his memoir Ett svenskt Leijon that Prottas was "most likely affiliated with the KGB." Prottas later joined Intourist, rising to head its Soviet travel division. He was also active in the SÄPO-monitored Sweden–Soviet Union Association. In 1980, Prottas was convicted of assault after he and several Soviet officials attacked Valentin Agapov—a Soviet defector who was peacefully demonstrating at the "Soviet Days" exhibition at Skansen. Prottas served as treasurer for the Workers' Party – Communists (APK), and upon his death in 2001, party leader Rolf Hagel penned his obituary.

In his 1984 book Industrial Espionage, Charlie Nordblom outlined the operational role of Intourist, identifying it as an exclusive domain of the KGB where the military intelligence service (GRU) was rarely permitted to operate. Nordblom explicitly named Vasily Tolyenov, then head of Intourist in Stockholm, as a KGB officer. He similarly identified Aleksei Gluchenkov—Intourist’s deputy director in Sweden during the mid-1970s—as a KGB agent tasked with monitoring Swedish left-wing groups and conducting espionage against the Sweden–Soviet Union Association; Gluchenkov was subsequently barred from re-entering Sweden in 1981.

Furthermore, Intourist operated under the Soviet State Committee for Foreign Tourism, which maintained a dedicated Scandinavian department. The head of this department, Sergei Chernov, had previously served in Sweden during the 1960s. Both Chernov and his deputy, Ivan Zavorin, were KGB officers. Nordblom noted that Zavorin regularly traveled to Sweden to conduct negotiations with local travel agencies, "despite having previously been expelled from Great Britain, among other countries."

When Fram-resor was established in 1987—coinciding with the relocation of the APK and its newspaper Norrskensflamman to Stockholm—its four founding shareholders were Roger Hagel (son of party leader Rolf Hagel), Dan Gahnström, Mary Thunborg Nordlander, and Rune Pettersson, all of whom held staunch ties to the APK. Roger Hagel served as the company's sole employee and regular board member.

 

Image 5: Handwritten receipts are still the norm on Framresor. The Intourist stamp is still used, almost three decades after the fall of the Soviet Union.

 

Image 6: Konstantin Loskutnikov (baron von Bossner) from the 2019 Russia - Africa summit in Sochi hosted by Russia's Putin & Egypt's el-Sisi. Post and photo via Konstantin Loskutnikov's Facebook.

Cigarrvärlden contacted Roger Hagel prior to publication, but he declined to answer questions, claiming that the publication had spread unfounded lies about him and his business.

Footnote: Cigarrvärlden chose not to contact Rolf Hagel out of respect for his advanced age. Attempts to reach Konstantin Loskutnikov ("Baron von Bossner") were unsuccessful.

Journalist: Jakob Bergman

We use AI and Google Translate for translations, with some review to enhance readability. Pardon the Spanglish.

Disclaimer: Cigarrvärlden is owned and operated by Cigarrklubben CK Sverige AB, which also operates a cigar club and has a foot in both camps. To put it mildly. Divison and separation of operations and the editorial is explained under the section "Conflicts of Interest (in Swedish)". Cigarrvärlden operates under a ‘certificate of no legal impediment to publication conferring constitutional protection’ (utgivningsbevis). With this certificate, Cigarrvärlden enjoys a special legal status in Swedish law under the freedom of expression act. Cigarrklubben CK Sverige AB does not sell and have ever sold cigars or tobacco in any way, shape or form.